Manifesto Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Trinamul Congress and Biju Janata Dal are all committed to implement the capital-centered program . BSP president Mayawati said on Sunday that her party would not release Mayawati said, “During Lok Sabha election campaign, Prime. Don’t get fooled by manifestos: BSP. Staff Reporter. KOLKATA, April 01, 14 IST Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati being garlanded by.
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Unlike other Indian parties, the Bahujan Samaj Party does not issue an election manifesto.
Poor show in Delhi to cost BSP its national party status
It neither seeks to diagnose the problems bedeviling the state in which it is a contender for power, nor promises to execute a slew of schemes should the electorate give it a majority. Likewise, over the last three months, Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has assiduously projected the impression that he can break away from the control of family elders, keep at bay the corrupt and the criminal from his Samajwadi Party, and develop Uttar Pradesh as never before.
A manifesto, they say, is the only way an Opposition party can excite the popular imagination. Thus, in the absence of one, the Bahujan Samaj Party is doomed to a brand of reactive politics, hitting out at the Bharatiya Janata Party for triggering misery through its demonetisation policy, and pillorying Chief Minister Yadav for opportunistically waiting before the election to rebel against family elders.
The Bahujan Samaj Party, however, does not believe in releasing a manifesto before every election because the very rationale of its existence stems from its mission of ushering in a social transformation in India, defined as establishing the equality of castes. This equality cannot be achieved until a conglomeration of lower castes and religious minorities, particularly Muslims, get a share of power proportionate to their population.
Since other parties pretend to be social radicals merely to preserve the dominance of upper castes, it is only when the Bahujan Samaj Party captures power for at least two successive terms that subaltern groups can hope to become empowered — or so the party believes. Given the link between power and the quest for social transformation, the Bahujan Samaj Party has structured itself like an army that is engaged in a perpetual thrum of activity, whether an election is five years away or just a month or two away, as is the case in Uttar Pradesh.
The party pyramid has Mayawati at its apex.
Inside the little-known world of the Bahujan Samaj Party: Yearning for equality, striving for power
At the base of the pyramid is the booth committee. These have five members — adhyaksh samajj, president, but a more appropriate designation would be official in-charge and four sachivs secretaries.
The president is generally from the Scheduled Caste. In case a booth does not have a significant Scheduled Caste population, a Muslim is preferred as the official in-charge. Ten booth committees constitute a sector, which is also supervised by a five-member committee.
Every Assembly constituency has approximately polling booths. There are, therefore, 30 sector committees. Above the sector committee is the zilla district committee. It is led by zilla adhyaksh, who has to be from the Jatav caste, the Bahujan Samaj Party mainstay of support.
He has three members assisting him — up-adhyaksh deputy in-chargetreasurer, and mahasachiv chief secretary. Depending on the size of the district, the zilla committee could oversee three or four samzj five Assembly constituencies.
While the official in-charge has to be a Jatav, the other four members are drawn from the more numerous caste groups of the district. A group of four or five districts is clubbed together to form a mandal.
Typically, a mandal comprises 27 Assembly constituencies. Two mandals constitute a zone, which has bahukan its supervisor the zonal coordinator. His is a key post — it is he who is permitted to telephone Mayawati to report special occurrences or emerging political trends.
In the run-up to the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election ofa new unit — the now famous bhaichara brotherhood committee — was grafted to the Bahujan Samaj Party pyramid. It focuses on non-Scheduled Caste social groups, explaining to them that the party seeks social transformation without undermining the age-old brotherhood among communities.
A bhaichara committee has two horses pulling it.
Inside the little-known world of the Bahujan Samaj Party: Yearning for equality, striving for power
A Brahmin bhaichara committee will have members from the Brahmin and Jatav communities manufesto its members. A Muslim bhaichara committee will be supervised by a Muslim plus a Jatav. A Jatav is essential in the pair that leads the committee. Every district in Uttar Pradesh has a convener from this federation. He reports his findings to the zonal coordinator.
In most political parties, such committees burst into a state of feverish activity just before an election. But the Bahujan Samaj Party works differently. If the Bahujan Samaj Party fails to form the government inthe committees will not necessarily be dissolved. However, should the party win the election, all the committees will be dissolved and reconstituted, said an important Bahujan Samaj Party official.
This is because the party believes its goals change when it is voted into power. Since servicing of new goals requires a fresh orientation, all committees are dissolved. Typically, the initial cadre camp is organised at the Assembly constituency level. It is a closed-door meeting attended by key members from zilla, sector and booth committees. The zonal coordinator is the chief guest at the closed-door meeting. He kicks it off with a speech, which, as one official said, could last as long as 90 minutes.
Thereafter, such cadre camps are organized at zilla, sector and booth levels. The zilla in-charge prepares reports paty files it to the zonal coordinator, who notes such things as the likely accretion of votes for the party in the next election.
Since round-the-year work is bahujah, full-time workers belong to families that are willing to sustain their relatives who are committed to the Bahujan Samaj Party.
A key party member said it would have been impossible for him to undertake party work if his brother did not support him financially. This is one reason why those who do not constitute the party cadre but are given party tickets have to contribute money to the Bahujan Samaj Party coffers. From his perspective, insinuations and allegations that Mayawati takes money for herself are part of a motivated campaign.
He said that the Bahujan Samaj Party chooses and intimates candidates that they would be fielded in the forthcoming election a year or more in advance to overcome the paucity of resources. The candidates are also on their toes as adverse reports from the zonal coordinator could lead to the cancellation of their tickets. The ticket is not assigned to the highest bidder, as is alleged. Usually, the zilla committee forwards four names to the zonal coordinator for every Assembly seat.
The zilla in-charge, the two bhaichara committee members representing the castes of each prospective candidate, and the zonal coordinator grade the electoral chances of the shortlisted person. In the last stage, the zonal coordinator conducts a one-on-one interview with each of them. Of these, the last factor is considered paramount. The party assumes it can transfer Jatav votes to any candidate it fields and also get the cadre votes, estimated to be around 10, in every constituency. The principal factor the zonal coordinator, therefore, takes into account is: The prospective candidates are then ranked from one to four on the winnability scale.
The zonal coordinator accompanies each of the four candidates who visit Mayawati separately. Even before the meeting, though, she already has a dossier on them.
She converses with them to gauge whether they can be susceptible to pressure from rival formations, the kind of family responsibilities they have, whether they run businesses that a vindictive government could cripple or have family members through whom the candidate could be browbeaten into submission. But once the party ticket assigned to a candidate is withdrawn, say, because he is lackadaisical in his campaign work, he tends to fling wild charges against Mayawati.
This is partly out of pique but also because he would have already incurred expenditure on his campaign and made donations to the party kitty. Caste strategies keep changing. Thus, for instance, in comparison to the Assembly election, the Bahujan Samaj Party has given fewer tickets to Brahmins this time round — as of now, just 50, likely to increase at best by another In its quest to forge Dalit-Muslim unity, Muslim candidates will be fielded in Post-demonetisation, the Bahujan Samaj Party feels it has a better chance of wooing the Dalit subcastes of Valmikis, Khatiks, Kolis and Dhobis, who have tended to gravitate to the Bharatiya Janata Party.
In this sense, the party, in the manner of the Army, keeps assessing the social ambience to alter its strategies accordingly. Should power elude it, and, worse, if it were to come a poor third, the quest for social transformation, which is what keeps the army-like structure of the party intact, could weaken and throw the organisation into disarray. This is the price a social movement that is crucially dependent on the acquisition of power must pay.
Should it win, the Bahujan Samaj Party could emerge as the principal contender to the politics of Hindutva. Ajaz Ashraf is a journalist in Delhi. The few good ones and the many more that could have been Dark is Divine: Constant activity Given the link between power and the quest for social transformation, the Bahujan Samaj Party has structured itself like an army that is engaged in a perpetual thrum of activity, whether an election is five years away or just a month or two away, as is the case in Uttar Pradesh.
Don’t get fooled by manifestos: BSP – The Hindu
Fine calibration In most political parties, such committees burst into a state of feverish activity just before an election. Financial saamj The toughest round comes next — an interview with party chief Mayawati. Yes, the financial resource of a prospective candidate is a very important factor.